This is a guest post by Ben Cohen of Z-Word, originally posted in November here. Today on his blog, Stephen Sizer has published an article in support of Avraham Burg's views on Zionism.There’s a certain irony about the title of Avraham Burg’s forthcoming book, “The Holocaust Is Over: We Must Rise from its Ashes.” Those very same words could be the motto of the State of Israel itself, given its emergence just three years after the defeat of Nazism.
Burg, however, believes that the Holocaust casts a greater shadow over Israel than God does. And that, he continues, is the key factor behind all the ills of the Jewish state.
A former speaker of the Knesset who was known for his blend of Jewish orthodoxy with peace camp politics, Burg has shifted more recently towards positions that, as David Remnick reported in a
New Yorker essay last year, “are far from standard” on the Israeli left. Remnick referred to an exchange in Ha’aretz between Burg and the Israeli writer Ari Shavit, in which Shavit, frustrated by Burg’s complaint that Israel’s apparent Holocaust fixation leads to a distrust of the outside world, accused his interlocutor of being “patronizing and supercilious…You treat the Israeli Jew as a paranoid. But, as the cliché goes, some paranoids really are persecuted. On the day we are speaking, Ahmadinejad is saying that our days are numbered. He promises to eradicate us. No, he is not Hitler. But he is also not a mirage. He is a true threat. He is the real world—a world you ignore.“
If Shavit has read Burg’s latest
op-ed in the LA Times, he will doubtless come to the same conclusion. Two points emerge from Burg’s piece: firstly, the claim that public discourse and policy in Israel are monopolized by the Holocaust; secondly that this collective mindset prevents Israel from being a force for justice in international relations.
The tones of Burg’s op-ed are quite moderate when compared to his
conversation with Shavit in Ha’aretz. In that discussion, Burg described the Law of Return as a “mirror image of Hitler,” and said that Israel had already arrived at a “fascist debacle.” In many ways, he was repeating the views which earned him the adulation of Tony Judt, who, in his 2003
New York Review of Books piece urging a “binational” state, quoted Burg thus: “After two thousand years of struggle for survival, the reality of Israel is a colonial state, run by a corrupt clique which scorns and mocks law and civic morality.”
Fault for that lies with the Holocaust. “Of course, memory is essential to any nation’s mental health,” Burg writes in the LA Times. “The Shoah must always have an important place in the nation’s memorial mosaic. But the way things are done today - the absolute monopoly and the dominance of the Shoah on every aspect of our lives - transforms this holy memory into a ridiculous sacrilege and converts piercing pain into hollowness and kitsch. As time passes, the deeper we are stuck in our Auschwitz past, the more difficult it becomes to be free of it.”
One detects the echo of Norman Finkelstein, among others, in these lines. Israel has elevated “Shoahbusiness” into a form of statecraft. “Army generals discuss Israeli security doctrine as ‘Shoah-proof,’” says Burg. “Politicians use it as a central argument for their ethical manipulations.”
Of all the nations in the world today, comparatively few have been though a genocide. But examine those nations which have experienced genocide - some of whom, like the Cambodians and the East Timorese, have their own states, some of whom, like the Kurds and the Roma, do not - and you will find that the memory of attempted eradication is overwhelming. Even in Bangladesh, where there has been a concerted attempt to encourage identification with the Muslim
ummah across national boundaries, the 1971 genocide carried out by Pakistan retains its centrality. One reason why Iraqi Kurds want to avoid a Sunni-dominated state is because they painfully recall Saddam Hussein’s brutal
Anfal campaign. Is that, in Burg’s parlance, an “ethical manipulation,” or is it the standard response of a nation bent on survival?
Despite articulating global justice ambitions, these real world parallels do not seem to intrude upon Burg’s rather parochial thought process. Indeed, he mentions them only to be spiteful, as when, in the New Yorker piece, he makes the insulting claim, “We did not allow anybody else to call whatever suffering they have ‘holocaust’ or ‘genocide,’ be it Armenians, be it Kosovo, be it Darfur.” For Burg, these other genocides become sticks with which to beat Israel, rather than tools to understand that Israel’s internalization of the Holocaust is not unique, but unremarkable.
That’s because Burg, in common with a certain type of Jewish anti-Zionist outside Israel, has a problem with what my co-writer Eamonn McDonagh calls “
Jews behaving normally.” Whereas other nations carry the weight of genocide in their daily deliberations, Jews are supposed to ignore it. Indeed, in suggesting a list of alternative historical experiences for Israelis to home in on, Burg does not seem to realize that three of them - the birth of Zionism, the founding of Israel, the 1967 war - would not have been possible without the Holocaust or modern antisemitism more generally.
In his introduction to the writings contained in “
The Zionist Idea,” Arthur Herzberg correctly observed that “[W]hat marks modern Zionism as a fresh beginning in Jewish history is that its ultimate values derive from the general milieu. The Messiah is now identified with the dream of an age of individual liberty, national freedom, and economic and social justice - ie, with the progressive faith of the nineteenth century.”
And just as Jewish nationalism reflected the spirit of that age, so the Jewish state reflects the pressures of an international state system fundamentally based upon power, in which diplomacy and strategy bear the scars of a past without power.
Indeed, the internal arrangements of states reflect, to a great extent, the degree of conflict or cooperation with their neighbors. In that sense, one can marvel at just how democratic Israel is, instead of highlighting its democratic deficit. But that doesn’t fit with Burg. As Shavit cleverly points out, what stands out is that he ignores the real world, seemingly content to play the part of a “scourge” of the Jewish state. Anthony Julius
describes this phenomenon well: “The ’scourge’ is a kind of moraliser…Moralising provides the moraliser with recognition of his own existence and confirmation of his own value. A moraliser has a good conscience and is satisfied by his own self-righteousness. He is not a self-hater; he is enfolded in self-admiration.”
Scourges do not make for good politicians, so it is not surprising that Burg’s political career has foundered; it is hard to imagine that anyone who presents the Iranian nuclear threat as a discursive construct based upon the exploitation of Holocaust fears will get very far in Israel, particularly when the rest of the world agrees that the threat is a real one. However, scourges - particularly those who target the Jewish state in the name of a higher morality - can expect a glittering career on the small-scale lecture circuit. That would seem to be Avraham Burg’s destiny.